铁与血
作者:伦敦自由旬报
1915年
译者:莫纪彭
本作品收录于《新青年
署名:汝非。

谁人负责任乎?自血洪水突然猝然泛滥欧罗巴之全部,吾人从各方面听之,皆此相同之问题也。

各国对于此问题,明明各有特别之答题在。各地之治人者,皆委于仇雕-报纸既以制造“公论”为天职,不能不考查而详论之。彼凯撒(德皇)宣言日:在欧罗巴独有一人焉,永远播布以保全和平于各国之中,其人即彼也。驱彼而启衅者,为德意志诸仇人耳。由英吉利与法兰西别一方面观之,则曰凯撒为欧罗巴之“颠狗”,终古障碍与蹂躅欧罗巴人民之和平睦谊者,惟彼一个人而已。至于沙(俄皇)俄罗斯自由之血腕偿子手,变俄罗斯国土为一大墓地,且竟欲消灭彼专制人民最后愿望于血海之中,则曰此为神圣之战也,正谊之战争也,所以保险欧罗巴幸福与安宁者也。

各地礼拜堂之鸣锺,正以召集敬神之耶稣教徒来,且相与联合彼辈人之祈祷,如此则神将毁其仇,而佑彼辈之军旗,惟是同一上帝、同一教徒、同一福音经,且彼之建教者曾曰“爱其邻如爱一己”焉。真愧剧哉,而人民之无识与受欺何其深也。此种无量无边之骗局,与夫彼专制者明目张胆之阴谋,如此等人民,皆将不见之,或竟不能见之矣。

汝问曰谁人负责乎?勿以负责任者根究他人,请根究一己,请向吾人咸为之牺牲者之可厌制度中而搜寻之,向国家资本的文明而搜寻之。夫如此所谓文明,乃从强权之力而组合者,乃从各国中寡廉鲜耻之扩张领土手段而成立也。

夫吾人曾寄生于战争之状态中,多年于兹,久矣,汝似尚未知之者。无形之战争,日日行于吾人优美社会上,汝乃不察,故汝等今日有真正之战争矣。当男女老幼大多数失业于工场之时,汝乃安默,故汝等今日儿子正丧命于沙场矣。同以一样威力,昔日夺汝等劳力之生产,驱汝等于饥饿且死,为少数之享有特权民贼与懒人增财而益富,今日即取汝等子弟生命以去,且压逼汝等执彼等人之枪竿,为彼等之关系而死。

一言以蔽之,汝平日不要革命,汝故今日有各国互相大残杀之战争。革命党人出现于汝等之前,汝等以为幻想者、梦中人、不可见诸实事之人也。汝之治人者,诚为比较上实行家矣。彼如雷之炮弹,鳞伤之尸体,及彼血河,告汝辈以彼等实行之结果。

谁人是受咎乎?资本主义与今日之国家。今之国家,资本主义之从兄弟也。汝自身且当受咎,因汝于社会上文化之大义置若罔闻,因汝对于为时未晚之秋,乃不阻止此次滔天大祸。

将来如何而准备于吾人耶,无一人能知者也。虽然有必然之一事,资本主义即战争,社会主义即各国间之和平而已。使凡生产社会将许一种少数特权民贼,专利彼等劳力之生产,且任其征罚盈千累万生民,人于无穷无尽之悲境中,许之任之之时期为如何长久,即汝等对于各国民、各种族之间有如何长久之战争矣。巨大之财富,今日而操诸少数之手者,岂仅佣主、工头取自工人寻常工商业中,乃各国乘间投机于世界市场,以猎取土地之结果也。以是之故,资本主义在各国,不得不增加今日国家之威力,不得不展发军国主义,以抵于狂妄之平均率。盖以为健全之武装,与集权国家,无论在何地,皆可为资本主义今之并吞的趋势之唯一保护人也。夫并吞主义无别物,不过据一己国家人民之工商业为其基础,以遂其展拓经济政策于他国耳。质而言之,军国主义为资本制度不可逃之结果,又为永永相争之原因也。

夫多数人民尚未能见此中之关连,相因而致,乃极不幸之事焉。且有许多人民,权度一国之文化,特赖夫军队势力与夫国中工艺表面的进步,此为平日所为之极大谬误之一者矣。德意志即示吾人以极良之比譬,彼国之国家的统一,自处属普鲁士无上的治权之下,依极端军国主义及万能之集权政策以为基础,曾何产出吾人所谓德意志之文化哉。且自其反面言之,此种统一,可证出其为真正平民文化之启发之大障碍,又常常压制德意志人民精神上能力,使屈服于兵厂军营级阶之下矣。

德意志文化之最优美种范,早已产出,盖先手军队的统系,与夫著名的统一见诸实力者。德意志高古之哲学,及德意志奇异之美术与文学,盖皆发育于彼国当分裂为诸小王国之时,其时尚未隶属于普鲁士为文化所厌恶之军国主义势力与统御之下者也。如彼所谓国家统一,德意志变为一军人之国,所赢得者,无疑为德意志之资本主义,惟独于德意志人民之文化毫无与焉。自隶属军国主义之治下,德意志实与欧罗巴之智育发达以危险也,此次战争中胜者为德意志,在欧罗巴中种种自由行动,将受莫大之打击,即德意志人民自身亦然也。

一千八百七十年入寇法兰西之役,与亚尔萨罗伦之合并,是欧罗巴军国主义狂热发达之真因也。人皆知卑士麦克与普鲁士贵族,意欲如波兰之故事,而处置法兰西。其卒也卑士麦克与英利吉续订秘密协约,而法兰西遂逼不得已投身于沙之血手中,藉以保存己国之存在得如独立国焉。于此役之结果,妄气的恐怖思想,布满全欧。自由社会主义与革命进行之衰滞,而可惧反动力之凯旋,任于此反动力之下。欧罗巴人民正长太息饮痛于今日者,皆吾人所熟睹者矣。

今日之战争,极残暴罪恶之人类已出现,是仅为反动力最后之一字,亦即并吞之资本主义与军国主义最后之一字焉尔。此岂独在德意志为然,无论何地苟此等制度留存,而相同之结果将相沿不绝。而最良之宪法,与光荣自由之习俗,亦不能阻抑此种凶恶之终局焉。

“汝不能以议院之政策,而斗胜军国主义。”是言也,平民政治家约翰叶乐皮已宣言于四十年前矣。夫惟有欧罗巴人一番新革命复兴,乃反对此等人类死仇之唯一政策而已。

然而于此似有可望之事,今日之血祸,将能从彼人民深悉中而唤醒之。此切肤之痛苦,落胆之遭罹,或将造成一较深之感印,比革命者之言论而更强也。社会革命卒将进行于今日悲剧之中,残杀之军国主义,将被为此主义供无数牺牲者之血洗涤而消灭之。各国人民将联合反对今之资本主义,与其法制之血制度,而终也,于自由社会主义之基础上,产生一种新社会文化焉,是殆可望之事者。

时哉不可失!虽有如何浩大之艰难起于吾人之前,而进步人物,切勿失其勇气可也。而吾人必为之先导,若到必要之时候,拼吾人之生命以赴之,为一新社秩序之凯旋。

Blood And Iron.

编辑

Who is responsible? Now, when the red deluge has so suddenly andunexpectedly surprised the whole of Europe, we hear on every hand thesame question: Who is respousuble?

Evedently, each country has its own particular answer to thequery. The rulers of every land throw the blame on their rivals, andthe Press, whose special concern it is to manufacture "public opinion," makes the necessary observations and comments. The Kaiser declaresthat it was enemies of Germany who compelled him to wage war, andthat he was the sole perdon in Europe who continually strove tomaintain peace among the European nations. In England and France, onthe other hand, the Kaiser is the "mad dog" of Europe, the only onewho continually hindered and disturbed the peaceful relations of itsown peoples. And the Tsar, the red- handed executioner of Russianfreedom, who converted Russia into a huge cemetery, and endeavouredto stifle the lost hope of his oppressed subjects in a sea of blood - he talks of a holy war, a Just war, in order to ensure the happinessand well-being of Europe!

And in all lands the sounding church-bells ars Olling the piousChristians to come and unite their prayrs that the Lord shoulddestroy the enemy, and bless "their banners" The same God! thesame Christians! the same Gospel, whose founder said,

"Love thy nighbour as thyself"!

What scandalous comedy! And how deep the ignorance and deceptionof the people who neither will nor can see this colossal fraud, andthe unserupulous intrigues of their oppressors.

Who is responsible? You ask. Do not look for the responsibilityin others. Look for it in yourselves. Seek it in the cursed systemwhose victims we all are; in the State eapitalistic civilisationwhich is based on arganised violence, on the shameful exploitation ofall the nations!

You do not know, it seems, that we have been living in a stateof war for many, many years past; You have ignored the war that isbeing waged daily in our beautiful soeiety, therefore younow have areal war. You were silent when men, women, and children fell in greatnumbers upon the industrial field, therefore you now see your sonsfalling on the battlefield. For the same powers that deprived you ofthe fruits of your labour, and compelled you by hunger and starvationto create riches foraminority of privileged thieves and idlers - thesame powers will now take away the lives of your sons and brothers, and force you with their guns to die for their interests.

In a ward, you did not want the revolution, so you now have war - the whalesale murder of the nations. The revolutionarise onlyappeared to you as Utopians, dreamers, unpractical men. Your rulerswere more practical, and the thunder of cannon, lacerated humanbodies, and rivers of blood now speak to you of the results of theirpractieability.

Who is to blame? Capitalism and its twin- brother, the modernState! Your yourselves are to blame, because you ignored the greatdoctrine of anew social cuilture, because you would not prevent thecotastrophe while there was yet time to do so.

No one knows what the future has in store for us. One thing, however, is certain:Capitalism is war - Socialism means peace amongthe nations. So long as the producing classes will allow a minorityof privileged robbers to monapolise the fruit of their labour, and tocondemn millions of human beings to a state of eternal misery, justso long will you have war among the different recesand notionalities. The immense fortunes that are to-day accumulating within the handsofafew do not arise merely from the usual explaitation of workman bythe master or manufacturer, but are the result of interationalspeculations in the great hunt for the domintion of the world'smarkets. That is why Copitalism in every country was obliged toincrease the power of the modern state, and to develop militarism tosuch mad proportions. For a strong military and centralised State isthe only guarantee for the realisation of madern Imperialistictendencies of Capitalism wery where. But Imperialism means nothingelse but the econcomic exploitation of other nations, upon the basisof the exploitation of its own people. In other words, militarism isthe inevitable result of the capitalistic regime, and therefore thecause of ceaseless strife.

The gient misfortuue is, that the majority of people cannot seethe connestion, and many will gauge the culture of a nation by thestrength of its armies and its external technical improvements. Butthis is one of the greatest mistakes ever made. Germany offers us thebest instance for this. The national unity of that country, under thesupreme rule of Prussia, upon a basis of extreme militarism and anall-powerful bureaucracy, has certainly not produced what we callGerman culture. On the contrary, that unity has proved the greatesthendrance to the development of a true popular culture, and hasalways endeavaured to force the spiritual powers of the German peopledown to the level ef the barracks.

The finest examples of German culture were produced before themilitary system and the renowned unity came into being.

Theclossical philosoply of German, her wonderful art and literature —allthat developed when the country comsisted of separate little kingdoms, and had not yet come under the influence and domination of Prussianculture hating militarism.

The so-called nation alunity and the conversion of Germany into amilitary State have not doubt been a great gain for German capitalism, but by no means for the culture of the German people. Under therule of militarism, Germany has become a peril to the intellectualdevelopment of Europe, and a German victory in this war would be agreat blow to every libertarian movement in Europe, a blow to theGeaman people tnemselves.

The violation of France in 18.70, and the annexation of Alsace- Lorraine, were the real causes of the crazy development ofmilitarism in Europe. It is also known that Bismarck and the PrussianJunker class intended to make of France what has been made of Polane. To this end Bismarck carried on secret negotiations with England, andFrance was obliged to throw herself into the bloody arms of the Tsarin order to maintain her ixistence as an independent State. As aresult of this we have witnessed the frightful development ofChauvinism all over Europe, the wealsening of revolutionary andlibertariam Socialism, and the trumph of the dread reaction underwhich the European peoples are groaning to this day.

The present war, the most outrageaus crime mankind has ever seen, is but the last word of this reaction, the last word of Imperialcapitalism and the military state.

And not only in Germany, but wherever this system exists, thesame results will follow. The best constitutions and most glorioustraditious of liberty will not prevent their evil consequences.

"You cannot combat militarism by means of Parliament. " Thissentence was already pronounced as far back as forty years ago by olddemocrat Johan Jokobi. A new revolutionary renaissance of theEuropean peaples is the only means against this dreadly enemy osmankind.

And it is not unlikely that the present bloody catastraph e willat last awaken the peoyle from their indifference. The bitter painfearful suffering will perhaps make a deeper impression than the wordsof the revolutionaries. It is possible that the social Revolutionwill be the last act in the present traged; possible that murderousmilitarism will be drowned in the blood of its numberless victems;that the people of the different countries will unite against thebloody regime of modern copitalism and its institutions, and finallyproduce a new social culture upon the basis of free Socialism.

At the same time the progressive elements must not lose couragehowever great the disaster that has befallenus. We must be an ourguard, and if necessary, risk our lives for the trumph of a newsocial order.

   本译文与其原文有分别的版权许可。译文版权状况仅适用于本版本。

原文

 

这部作品在1929年1月1日以前以匿名或别名发表,确实作者身份不明(包括仅以法人名义发表),在美国以及版权期限是匿名别名作品发表起108年以下的国家以及地区(包括新加坡、加拿大、韩国、新西兰、两岸四地、马来西亚)属于公有领域

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译文

 

这部作品在1929年1月1日以前出版,其作者1972年逝世,在美国以及版权期限是作者终身加50年以下的国家以及地区(包括两岸四地、马来西亚),属于公有领域


这部作品也可能在本国本地版权期限更长,但对外国外地作品应用较短期限规则的国家以及地区(包括新加坡、加拿大、韩国、新西兰),属于公有领域

Public domainPublic domainfalsefalse